Making Ends Meet: Black America’s Complex Relationship with Rent
The day I learned how to make salmon patties was the same day I learned of the word “eviction.” I sat on a bar stool, whose home was once in the juke joint my grandmother used to own. In those days, I learned that if I was quiet enough, almost invisible, she’d forget I was there and just talk about anything. As I quietly buttered a biscuit, it happened. From what I had heard, someone had been late on rent, a common occurrence in the small town where we’re from. Suddenly, my grandmother stopped scooping salmon with her hands and became wide-eyed. “They got evicted? Oh my gosh,” she said, abandoning her boisterous tone, now speaking softly. An air of sadness swept over our little kitchen, and for the rest of the conversation, her voice was worrisome. When she was finished cooking and we sat down to eat, I asked her, “Grandmama, what's eviction?” She explained the best way she could to a seven-year-old, but it would not be until years later that I would learn the true gravity of the situation and how it affected people who looked like me at a disproportionate rate.
In the United States, less than one in every five renters is black (18%), but nearly half of all eviction filings (51.1%) are against black renters. The Southeast has the highest eviction rates in the country, with Black Americans comprising a large portion of those evictions. So how did Black Americans become disproportionately prone to evictions? There are multiple reasons dating back to the 16th century, but for modern-day practices, our answer lies within the 20th century with a concept known as redlining.
Redlining is typically used to describe any discriminatory practices in real estate. However, the term comes from the red lines and circles drawn on maps in the 1930s by mortgage lenders who did not want to distribute loans to applicants residing in those areas. Typically, these areas hosted a high population of black residents of lower socioeconomic status. During the 1930s, FDR’s New Deal included the establishment of the National Housing Act of 1934. This act aimed to increase homeownership by backing mortgage loans federally under the Federal Housing Administration (FHA). Yet, the FHA’s new policies did not include all Americans. The FHA was instrumental in promoting segregation by rarely assisting Black Americans with mortgage loans. This made it extremely difficult for Black Americans to become homeowners, thus creating a vicious cycle of life-long renting.
Despite the passing of the Fair Housing Act in 1968, the effects of redlining still linger heavily in the modern era. Today, landlords use algorithms that promote bias when screening potential tenants, along with other tactics such as increasing housing application fees. In their screenings, landlords may ask for credit scores, criminal records, previous evictions, and the use of a housing choice voucher (formally known as “Section 8”). The problem lies not within asking these questions, but in the fact that these algorithms eliminate potential applicants before a real person can evaluate their applications. A large portion of these renters eliminated are from minority communities.
In the southeastern United States, Black Americans are evicted at much higher rates than any other region in the country. In March of this year, South Carolina had an eviction rate of 20%, more than double the national average of 8%. The eviction filing rate is roughly 30% in cities like Spartanburg, SC. Additionally, the majority of these high eviction rate areas are not only predominantly black but also poor and black. Current legislation in many southeastern states is not so forgiving. For example, in Mississippi, tenants have only 3 days to pay rent after a landlord gives written notice. This causes a large problem for renters as it leaves little to no room for unexpected expenses or extenuating circumstances.
More alarming is that black women renters with children have the highest rate of evictions (28.3%). As a result, black children are most vulnerable to housing insecurity. This not only affects children directly, but also indirectly as well. Children dealing with housing insecurity are at an increased risk of having prolonged academic difficulty, behavioral issues, and even physical health problems. Eviction not only has an impact on the renter from a record standpoint, but on their dependents daily lives as well.
Although black renters face prejudice and discrimination when renting, progress has been made to decrease these inequities. Cities like Birmingham have programs like Embrace Mother’s, a guaranteed income pilot program that provides assistance to black mothers and female caretakers. In Charlottesville, the Charlottesville Supplemental Rental Assistance Program (CSRAP) helps provide monthly rental assistance to those facing socio economic challenges. Lab’s like Princeton’s Eviction Lab and the RVA Eviction Lab at VCU help to provide statistical data and raise awareness about eviction rates and unfair renting practices that minority communities face. By increasing awareness of unfair rental practices, there is an opportunity for America to change its view of the black renter.